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	<title>Publications et Ressources Archives - CRAAD-OI</title>
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	<description>L’association CRAAD-OI est une association pan-Africaine basée à Madagascar pour les alternatives de développement dans l’Ocean Indien.</description>
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	<title>Publications et Ressources Archives - CRAAD-OI</title>
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		<title>ECOFEMINIST PROPOSALS FOR CLIMATE ACTION</title>
		<link>https://craadoimada.com/ecofeminist-proposals-for-climate-action/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Volahery ANDRIAMANANTENASOA]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 21 Nov 2025 21:01:22 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Changement Climatique]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Droits des femmes]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Écoféminisme]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Justice écologique]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Néocolonialisme]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Publications et Ressources]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://craadoimada.com/?p=27979</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>HOW DEBT SWAPS AND CARBON MARKETS BOYCOTT URGENT JUST TRANSITIONS, THE CASE OF MADAGASCAR. We proudly present you our new policy paper “Ecofeminist proposals...</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://craadoimada.com/ecofeminist-proposals-for-climate-action/">ECOFEMINIST PROPOSALS FOR CLIMATE ACTION</a> appeared first on <a href="https://craadoimada.com">CRAAD-OI</a>.</p>
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				<h2 class="h2_interne">HOW DEBT SWAPS AND CARBON MARKETS BOYCOTT URGENT JUST TRANSITIONS, THE CASE OF MADAGASCAR.</h2>					</div>
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				<p>We proudly present you our new policy paper “Ecofeminist proposals for climate action. How debt swaps and carbon markets boycott urgent just transitions. The case of Madagascar », a research conducted in collaboration with our partner ODG, with which we hope to contribute to spread the feminist and decolonial proposals for debt and climate policies, for COP30 and beyond.</p>
<p>In concrete, we point out the problems of debt swaps and carbon markets, two mechanisms that we consider as false solutions, because they neither solve the debt problem nor alleviate the worst consequences of the climate emergency in Madagascar. On the contrary, they allow the countries of the Global North to avoid assuming their historical responsibilities.</p>
<p>To achieve a just transition, climate policies must include the notion of reparations, recognizing the invisibilized debts, like the ecological, colonial and reproductive debts that the Global North owes to the Global South, and that we owe to women.</p>
<p>The French version will be available soon (la version française sera bientôt disponible).</p>					</div>
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		<p>The post <a href="https://craadoimada.com/ecofeminist-proposals-for-climate-action/">ECOFEMINIST PROPOSALS FOR CLIMATE ACTION</a> appeared first on <a href="https://craadoimada.com">CRAAD-OI</a>.</p>
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		<title>Le contre-sommet de la COI défend les peuples contre les logiques de marché et la militarisation de l’océan Indien</title>
		<link>https://craadoimada.com/le-contre-sommet-de-la-coi-defend-les-peuples-contre-les-logiques-de-marche-et-la-militarisation-de-locean-indien/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Volahery ANDRIAMANANTENASOA]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 27 May 2025 10:29:08 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Publications et Ressources]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://craadoimada.com/?p=27028</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Le contre-sommet de la COI défend les peuples contre les logiques de marché et la militarisation de l’océan Indien https://parallelesud.com/le-contre-sommet-de-la-coi-defend-les-peuples-contre-les-logiques-de-marche-et-la-militarisation-de-locean-indien/</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://craadoimada.com/le-contre-sommet-de-la-coi-defend-les-peuples-contre-les-logiques-de-marche-et-la-militarisation-de-locean-indien/">Le contre-sommet de la COI défend les peuples contre les logiques de marché et la militarisation de l’océan Indien</a> appeared first on <a href="https://craadoimada.com">CRAAD-OI</a>.</p>
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 https://parallelesud.com/le-contre-sommet-de-la-coi-defend-les-peuples-contre-les-logiques-de-marche-et-la-militarisation-de-locean-indien/
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		<p>The post <a href="https://craadoimada.com/le-contre-sommet-de-la-coi-defend-les-peuples-contre-les-logiques-de-marche-et-la-militarisation-de-locean-indien/">Le contre-sommet de la COI défend les peuples contre les logiques de marché et la militarisation de l’océan Indien</a> appeared first on <a href="https://craadoimada.com">CRAAD-OI</a>.</p>
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		<title>Ecofeminist Costs Analysis of the Climate Crisis in Toliara  &#8211; Study Report</title>
		<link>https://craadoimada.com/ecofeminist-costs-analysis-of-the-climate-crisis-in-toliara-study-report/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Volahery ANDRIAMANANTENASOA]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 02 Dec 2024 19:03:10 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Base Toliara]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Changement Climatique]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Droits humains]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Genre]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Genre et Justice économique]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Justice écologique]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Justice économique]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Publications et Ressources]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://craadoimada.com/?p=26652</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Ecofeminist Costs Analysis of the Climate Crisis in Toliara &#8211; Study Report</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://craadoimada.com/ecofeminist-costs-analysis-of-the-climate-crisis-in-toliara-study-report/">Ecofeminist Costs Analysis of the Climate Crisis in Toliara  &#8211; Study Report</a> appeared first on <a href="https://craadoimada.com">CRAAD-OI</a>.</p>
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				<h2 class="h2_interne">Ecofeminist Costs Analysis of the Climate Crisis in Toliara &#8211; Study Report</h2>					</div>
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		<p>The post <a href="https://craadoimada.com/ecofeminist-costs-analysis-of-the-climate-crisis-in-toliara-study-report/">Ecofeminist Costs Analysis of the Climate Crisis in Toliara  &#8211; Study Report</a> appeared first on <a href="https://craadoimada.com">CRAAD-OI</a>.</p>
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		<title>The Hidden Crisis: Women, Social Reproduction and  the Political Economy of Care in Africa.</title>
		<link>https://craadoimada.com/the-hidden-crisis-women-social-reproduction-and-the-political-economy-of-care-in-africa/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Volahery ANDRIAMANANTENASOA]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 02 Dec 2024 18:50:08 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Genre]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Genre et Justice économique]]></category>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://craadoimada.com/?p=26637</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>The Hidden Crisis: Women, Social Reproduction and the Political Economy of Care in Africa.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://craadoimada.com/the-hidden-crisis-women-social-reproduction-and-the-political-economy-of-care-in-africa/">The Hidden Crisis: Women, Social Reproduction and  the Political Economy of Care in Africa.</a> appeared first on <a href="https://craadoimada.com">CRAAD-OI</a>.</p>
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				<h2 class="h2_interne">The Hidden Crisis: Women, Social Reproduction and <br />the Political Economy of Care in Africa.</h2>					</div>
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		<p>The post <a href="https://craadoimada.com/the-hidden-crisis-women-social-reproduction-and-the-political-economy-of-care-in-africa/">The Hidden Crisis: Women, Social Reproduction and  the Political Economy of Care in Africa.</a> appeared first on <a href="https://craadoimada.com">CRAAD-OI</a>.</p>
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		<title>Eco-feminist perspectives from Africa</title>
		<link>https://craadoimada.com/eco-feminist-perspectives-from-africa/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Volahery ANDRIAMANANTENASOA]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 02 Dec 2024 18:27:59 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Droits des femmes]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Genre et Justice économique]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Justice écologique]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Publications et Ressources]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://craadoimada.com/?p=26629</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Eco-feminist Perspectives from Africa</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://craadoimada.com/eco-feminist-perspectives-from-africa/">Eco-feminist perspectives from Africa</a> appeared first on <a href="https://craadoimada.com">CRAAD-OI</a>.</p>
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				<h2 class="h2_interne">Eco-feminist Perspectives from Africa</h2>					</div>
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		<p>The post <a href="https://craadoimada.com/eco-feminist-perspectives-from-africa/">Eco-feminist perspectives from Africa</a> appeared first on <a href="https://craadoimada.com">CRAAD-OI</a>.</p>
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		<title>Les nouvelles frontières des « zones de sacrifice » à Madagascar</title>
		<link>https://craadoimada.com/les-nouvelles-frontieres-des-zones-de-sacrifice-a-madagascar-2/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[CRAAD-OI]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 07 Jun 2024 07:41:35 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Publications et Ressources]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://craadoimada.com/?p=26314</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Dans le Sud, les milieux naturels, les modes de vie<br />
et l’existence même des populations sont menacés pour répondre aux besoins de la transition<br />
énergétique des pays du Nord. Riche en « terres<br />
rares », Madagascar illustre bien cette dynamique.<br />
Pérennisant une dépendance de nature coloniale,<br />
leur exploitation risque d’entraîner des conséquences irrémédiables pour les écosystèmes locaux et les droits des communautés.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://craadoimada.com/les-nouvelles-frontieres-des-zones-de-sacrifice-a-madagascar-2/">Les nouvelles frontières des « zones de sacrifice » à Madagascar</a> appeared first on <a href="https://craadoimada.com">CRAAD-OI</a>.</p>
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				<h2 class="h2_interne">Les nouvelles frontières des « zones de sacrifice »
à Madagascar</h2>					</div>
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		<p>The post <a href="https://craadoimada.com/les-nouvelles-frontieres-des-zones-de-sacrifice-a-madagascar-2/">Les nouvelles frontières des « zones de sacrifice » à Madagascar</a> appeared first on <a href="https://craadoimada.com">CRAAD-OI</a>.</p>
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		<title>Lancement &#124; La souveraineté africaine : Les femmes vivent les alternatives</title>
		<link>https://craadoimada.com/lancement-la-souverainete-africaine-les-femmes-vivent-les-alternatives/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[CRAAD-OI]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 29 Jun 2023 12:22:14 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Actualités]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Publications et Ressources]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://craadoimada.com/?p=24523</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Le dernier film de la série de courts métrages d&#8217;animation WoMin  WoMin est ravi de lancer le troisième film de sa série de courts...</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://craadoimada.com/lancement-la-souverainete-africaine-les-femmes-vivent-les-alternatives/">Lancement | La souveraineté africaine : Les femmes vivent les alternatives</a> appeared first on <a href="https://craadoimada.com">CRAAD-OI</a>.</p>
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				<p dir="ltr"><strong>Le dernier film de la série de courts métrages d&rsquo;animation WoMin </strong></p><p dir="ltr">WoMin est ravi de lancer le troisième film de sa série de courts métrages d&rsquo;animation &#8211; La souveraineté africaine : Les femmes vivent les alternatives. Ce troisième film développe les alternatives à un modèle de développement destructeur, que les femmes et leurs communautés protègent et proposent en se mobilisant et en résistant. La proposition des femmes pour un développement juste réside dans leur résistance aux empiètements violents de l&rsquo;extraction minière, pétrolière et gazière et des infrastructures à grande échelle, y compris les méga projets énergétiques, afin de défendre leurs semences, leur autonomie, leurs formes de production, leurs relations communautaires et, surtout, leur relation d&rsquo;interdépendance avec la nature sans laquelle elles ne pourraient pas survivre. </p><p dir="ltr">Elles disent NON au modèle de développement extractiviste profondément destructeur et OUI aux alternatives réelles et vivantes dans la manière dont elles produisent des aliments, conservent et gèrent les ressources naturelles et prennent soin de leurs familles et de leurs communautés.</p><p dir="ltr">Ce film est lié aux deux films précédents : <a href="https://youtu.be/lAqj-iSSvuQ" target="_blank" rel="nofollow noopener noreferrer" shape="rect">Pollueurs et pilleurs : Les racines des crises africaines</a> et <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7xMpJZpE-eg" target="_blank" rel="nofollow noopener noreferrer" shape="rect">Le droit de dire NON : Les femmes défendent les richesses de l&rsquo;Afrique</a> ! Pour en savoir plus sur cette série, <a href="https://mailchi.mp/womin/women-live-alternatives-film" target="_blank" rel="nofollow noopener noreferrer" shape="rect">cliquez ici</a>.</p><p dir="ltr">Aidez-nous à partager ce film puissant en utilisant les outils de médias sociaux ci-dessous !</p><p dir="ltr">Lien vers la vidéo (à inclure dans tous les messages) : </p><p dir="ltr"><a href="http://bit.ly/SovereignAfrica" target="_blank" rel="nofollow noopener noreferrer" shape="rect">bit.ly/SovereignAfrica</a></p><p dir="ltr">Hashtags</p><p dir="ltr">#Right2SayNO #AfricanWomenSovereignty #AfricanWomen4ClimateJustice #Right2SayYES</p>					</div>
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		<p>The post <a href="https://craadoimada.com/lancement-la-souverainete-africaine-les-femmes-vivent-les-alternatives/">Lancement | La souveraineté africaine : Les femmes vivent les alternatives</a> appeared first on <a href="https://craadoimada.com">CRAAD-OI</a>.</p>
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		<title>African Feminist Post-COVID-19 Economic Recovery Statement</title>
		<link>https://craadoimada.com/african-feminist-post-covid-19-economic-recovery-statement/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[CRAAD-OI]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 23 Feb 2023 20:23:15 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Droits des femmes]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Publications et Ressources]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://craadoimada.com/?p=23768</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Dear Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Dr. Donald Kaberuka, Mr. Tidjane Thiam, Mr. Trevor Manuel and Mr. Benkhalfa Abderrahmane, We write this letter to you in...</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://craadoimada.com/african-feminist-post-covid-19-economic-recovery-statement/">African Feminist Post-COVID-19 Economic Recovery Statement</a> appeared first on <a href="https://craadoimada.com">CRAAD-OI</a>.</p>
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				<p>Dear Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Dr. Donald Kaberuka, Mr. Tidjane Thiam, Mr. Trevor Manuel and Mr. Benkhalfa Abderrahmane,</p><p>We write this letter to you in your capacities as the Special Envoys that the African Union has mandated to mobilize international support to address the coronavirus pandemic in Africa. We are a constellation of African feminists who are steeped in pan-African visions for a liberated Africa. These visions enable us to dare to believe that there are ample solutions and resources to the many pandemics that our continent faces. We are part of various communities, formations, sectors and disciplines including law, feminist organizing, fund mobilization, economics, land and agrarian rights, health, cultural production, development studies, food sovereignty, tax justice, ecological work inter alia.</p><p>We need solutions and COVID-19  has  provided us with an opportunity to re-imagine African political  economies.  This moment requires a pan-African response that creates an enabling environment for people and movement led economic work, including but not limited to cooperative and solidarity economics, to be given the support and space to flourish. COVID-19 needs to be a turn-around point from orthodox laissez-faire models and overly financialized states. This crisis is an opportunity to dislodge structural inequality and re-frame the political economy which contributed to this tipping point. We have been actively working on, producing data and building ground up movements since structural adjustment. Most of us – like yourself – lived through Structural Adjustment Programs and the hollowed states that remained. The financial crisis of 2008 was an acute rupture of globalization and a reminder that unfettered markets cannot be the primary arbiter of wealth and economic distribution. Our states in all their imperfection are the tangible entities where we reside, produce, consume and eventually will be laid to rest.</p><p>The  credit crisis  was enormous and pervasive, and it altered our world in ways we are still realizing. Sadly though, any crisis can seem banal and even invisible. People adapt and come to accept the changes wrought by crisis. This cannot be the case here. The resilience of market logic has taken hold and flattened markets to the extent that economic orthodoxy and neo-liberal forms of production are viewed not just as coincidences of  globalization but rather the natural order of our universe. COVID-19 has flattened that universe and we have the chance to reframe state capacities and the draconian measures that they often use to enforce social order in a fragile time.</p><p>Initiatives like the African Charter for Popular Participation for Development, the UN New Agenda for Development of Africa vision 2020, the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) have not yielded substantive dividends. If the sum total of all these previous initiatives has brought us to this moment, we need to rethink our options. We need a deeper re-orientation of African development which goes beyond COVID-19.</p><p>As Africa now moves towards raising increased financial support in response to the impacts of the pandemic, the weaknesses of dominant policy templates and development financing models must no longer compromise the autonomy of African states to effectively deliver the mandate of Africa’s people. African “growth” over the last twenty years has been accompanied by pervasive unemployment, whilst wealth and inequality gaps are now at their highest levels. Decades of reduced public spending has left millions without access to basic services such as healthcare, whilst the movement towards privatising those services and resources (including water and energy) further compromises equitable access as a result of basic services being commodified and subject to market rules and shareholder needs. Meanwhile, the tunnel visioned policy focus on industrial and export-orientated agriculture has failed to deliver food security for Africa. Additionally, the lack of investment in localised food systems that center food sovereignty has had detrimental impacts on African biodiversity and climate resilience.</p><p>The gender dimensions of prevailing policy models are still not fully acknowledged or considered, including how those models deepen women’s economic inequality by exploiting their labour inside and outside the home; invisible, poorly paid, unpaid, and insecure. As COVID-19 continues to move across the continent, the absence of social safety nets needed by women due to their greater fiscal precarity in the face of economic shocks has exposed the failures of a development trajectory currently prioritizing productivity for growth over the wellbeing of African people. Indeed COVID-19 has made evident what feminists have long emphasized: that the profits made in economies and markets are subsidized by women’s unpaid care and domestic work–an essential service that even the current pandemic has failed to acknowledge and address in policy.</p><p>We have history on our shoulders which requires us to reflect strongly and honestly about the repercussions of continuing on this dogmatic debt track. We are soliciting funds while Africa has a net capital outflow of money. What posterity does this offer future generations? We are concerned about the forms and sources of finance and the accompanying  conditionalities. In past generations these have increased our burden of unpaid work on African women. We have  the feminist hope and expectations that your plans for this continent are in alignment with a progressive, forward looking vision. COVID-19 has shown us where our  structural weaknesses are and history has shown us that old ways are not working.</p><p>We call on you to ensure that you create an open, inclusive and transparent process to shape how you undertake the work and interpret what your efforts at mobilizing support produces. This process needs to move beyond just including ‘expert economists’ to also include groups which have been thus far marginalized by the current economic model. In light of this, we would like to begin a conversation with you. We want to hear your thoughts and vision for African countries, African economies, resource mobilization and African peoples beyond COVID-19. We would like an audience with you to discuss this further, including through a webinar. There are more crises coming our way and we want to support co-creative futures thinking. Below is a set of recommendations we want to put forward as the first step in our engagement.</p><h3><strong><u>Recommendations</u></strong></h3><p>Acknowledge that all African constitutions guarantee the fundamental right to equality – and that this needs to underpin the vision and direction of any policy including economic and social policy around COVID-19 response and recovery. This necessarily means policy interventions and budgetary allocations that seek to reinforce rights for those most marginalized by current policies and thus more heavily affected by COVID-19 impacts including women broadly but also intersecting axes of structural marginalization including economic status/class, disability, HIV status, sexual orientation and gender identity.</p><p>Localized food supply chains should be bolstered with monetary and resource support going directly to support small-holder farmers across Africa, the guardians of biodiversity, Indigenous seed, and land. Ministries of Agriculture across the continent should collaborate with the economic, climate, and food sovereignty movements across Africa to divest from industrialized agriculture and to support the implementation of agroecology, including the right of farmers to to save and share seed, in communal, national, regional and pan-African spaces. Additionally, the colonial legacy of  resource extraction from Africa through export facing trade practices needs to be upended. In terms of food the insistence on monocropping for the export market has decreased the diversity of crops necessary for a balanced and nutritional diet in our own communities and has displaced Africans from their lands by giving millions of hectares of land to private enterprises by incentivizing the implementation of corporate-backed initiatives. This is despite the fact that it is small-holder and subsistence farmers across Africa who feed the majority of people in Africa and not corporations.</p><p>The outbreak of COVID-19 has demonstrated the clear link between health and environment. Thus, maintaining the integrity of Africa’s ecosystem while enabling communities to derive livelihoods and benefit from natural resources should be part of any economic recovery plan. Rather than focus on market based interventions to conservation, African governments need to prioritize conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity for the benefit of communities who are custodians of the resources and whose livelihoods are directly dependent on natural resources.</p><p>The role of the State has been consistently hollowed out since the introduction of structural adjustment programmes and requires reinvigoration, through the direct participation of African peoples charting the way, to be the guarantor of rights, and arbiter of socio-economic distribution and equitable access to social infrastructure. This necessitates the decommodification of, and institution of, basic universal access to land, water, food, healthcare, education, housing, sanitation, electricity and information technologies.  Public-Private Partnerships have dangerously obscured the role of states and created undemocratic hierarchies of access resulting from user fees. Access to energy, education, transport and healthcare for example facilitate the social reproduction and survival of unemployed, working class and agrarian households in the absence of adequate state provisioning.</p><p>According to the ILO, <a href="https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---dcomm/documents/publication/wcms_626831.pdf">“informal employment is the main source of employment in Africa, accounting for 85.8 per cent of all employment” with “almost all of the agricultural sector in Africa [being] informal [at] 97.9 per cent”</a>. The informal economy, or rather the popular  or horizon economy, is the engine of African markets. States must use this opportunity to re-orientate economic models and protections to recognise that African economies are predicated on this invisibilized work. This economy is treated as ‘adjacent’ or  ‘informal’ primarily because it is largely driven by the labour of women. Measures like GDP and GNP are ineffective measures of the enterprise that occurs in this sector. Accordingly, all workers must be guaranteed a dignified wage, safety protections in their work space, and paid sick leave.</p><p>No turnaround in Africa’s socio-economic fortunes will happen without recognizing the economic, social, political and cultural value of the care economy–where the provisioning of care goods and services to households and the economy is predominantly through women’s invisibilized, unpaid and domestic labour, but also in many forms of popular/horizon sector, migrant and public sector jobs that are precarious, badly paid and without labour protections. Governments have increased the burden on women by  increasing reproductive care and domestic work, because they have consistently withdrawn from their internationally recognized human rights obligations to promote social rights and equity. The time is well overdue for policies that recognize the centrality of care work for health systems and the economy, meaning governments must roll out various support measures for a resilient care sector that does not rely on the exploitation of women in the home and in the workplace.</p><p>It is vital to reinforce prioritization of government budgetary investment in social protections including quality and accessible social services for all populations. This is a decisive moment and opportunity for African states to not only rebuild their administrative and resource capacity to deliver social services, but also recover their standing in the eyes of African people.</p><p>It is necessary to consider responses that do not just seek to address direct impacts of COVID-19 but build the broader strength of health and social protection systems horizontally, acknowledging that this is fundamentally political, and about designing and sustaining systems for the wellbeing of the majority. There have been several epidemics and pandemics affecting the African continent and COVID-19 won’t be the last. In fact, the lack of health and research infrastructure for others, like HIV/AIDS and malaria, have become worryingly normalized. Furthermore, it needs to be stated clearly that outsourcing this work to philanthrocapitalists is a failed strategy and perpetuates a narrative that the African state is incapable of providing for African peoples. It further privileges white male philanthrocapitalists, vesting a few western voices with far more volume than entire African nations. They do not have an interest in systemic solutions because to achieve those solutions would require dislodging them from the centers of power they are invested in fortifying.</p><p>Patent protections and other intellectual property laws have further consolidated a commodified approach to health care in Africa. In recent memory is the fight for African peoples to be able to access ARVs, a fight that took millions of lives because the profit margins of corporations were put ahead of saving the lives of African peoples. We cannot afford to keep repeating the same mistakes perpetually. Knowledge cannot be a commodity, all vaccines and medicines related to COVID-19 and beyond must be universally accessible for all  people, as should the related knowledge.</p><p>Beyond the request for debt moratoriums in response to COVID-19, debt cancellation should be a priority. Conditionalities surrounding financial assistance to the continent must also be rejected by African governments. Conditionalities will impact on the ability of states to deploy socially responsive policies such as those recommended above, and in particular terms that push for increased privatization of key services (including further deregulations of private sector engagement), should be thoroughly critiqued and fought against by a united African front.</p><p>Increased Foreign Direct Investment should be solicited without the promise of tax breaks that effectively act as loopholes;  multi / transnational companies making profits on African soil need to pay their dues for the needs of African people first, before their shareholders. Only by pursuing and enforcing a progressive tax policy that targets transnational corporations in particular will the African tax deficit be addressed.  This will be critical for African revenue raising if economic recovery from COVID-19 beyond the short and medium term is to be realized, and our external debt reliance is to be decreased.</p><p>One of the impulses of neo-liberal economics is to treat African peoples as collateral in economic processes and negotiations. The needs of African communities and the sustainable use of natural resources (ever more important in this rapidly deepening climate crises) continue to be subordinated to make way for development plans that prioritize short term gain at the expense of the earth and African peoples well-being in the short, medium, and longer term. Because  African communities are the custodians of the land and environment, those same  communities must be able to veto any finance or development projects being proposed. Indeed all Africans should be informed and provide prior consent to any consultation or large scale policy process.</p><p> </p><p>Sincerely,</p><ol><li>Lebohang Liepollo Pheko, Senior Research Fellow at Trade Collective, Afrikan Feminist, South Africa/Lesotho</li></ol><ol start="2"><li>Fatimah Ya-Fanah Kelleher, Women’s economic justice technical and strategic adviser (independent) / Writer, Nigeria / UK</li><li>Luam Kidane, Eritrea/Pan-African</li><li>Hakima Abbas</li><li>Lyn Ossome</li><li>Nancy Kachingwe, Gender and Public Policy Advisor, Independent, Malawi/Zimbabwe</li><li>Masego Madzwamuse, Chief Executive Officer-Southern Africa Trust</li><li>Âurea Mouzinho, Economist and Feminist Activist, Angola</li><li>Felogene Anumo</li><li>Mwanahamisi Singano</li><li>Sibongile Ndashe, Executive Director-Initiative for Strategic Litigation in Africa, South Africa</li><li>Wangari Kinoti, Feminist activist and policy advisor, Kenya</li><li>Olabukunola Williams</li><li>Coumba Toure, Coordinatrice-Africans Rising, Senegal</li><li>Dzodzi Tsikata, University of Ghana, Ghana</li><li>Amina Mama, Feminist Africa journal, Nigeria</li><li>Crystal Simeoni, Pan African Feminist Economic Justice Activist, Nairobi, Kenya</li><li>Memory Zonde Kachambwa, Executive Director, African Women’s Development and Communication Network- FEMNET- Pan-African</li><li>Leopoldina Fekayamãle, Ondjango Feminista, Angola</li><li>Isabel Gavião, Ondjango Feminista, Angola</li><li>Sizaltina Cutaia, Ondjango Feminista, Angola</li><li>Rosimira Quitombe</li><li>Cecília Kitombe, OF, Angola</li><li>Laurinda, Ondjango Feminista, Angola</li><li>Fikile Vilakazi, Young Women with Vision of South Africa, South Africa</li><li>Wunpini Mohammed, Penn State, United States</li><li>Nada Ali, Sudan/USA/UK</li><li>Esther Ajayi-Lowo , PhD Candidate, Texas Woman’s University, Nigeria</li><li>Lilian Lem Atanga, Proffesor at University of Bamenda, Cameroon, Cameroon</li><li>Beatrice Ndefon, Administrator, Cameroon</li><li>Ousseina Alidou, Dept. African, Middle Eastern and South Asian Languages and Literatures, Niger and USA</li><li>Esther Omam, Reach Out, Cameroon</li><li>Sharon Omotoso, Women’s Research and Documentation Center(WORDOC), Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan, Nigeria</li><li>Hope Chigudu, Hopeafrica, Zimbabwe</li><li>Samuel Orovwuje, Humanitarian Care for Displaced Persons, Nigeria</li><li>Zuleika Sheik, Erasmus University Rotterdam, South Africa and the Netherlands</li><li>Philile Ntuli, Miss, South Africa</li><li>Sybil Nandi Msezane, Black Tower Foundation, South Africa</li><li>Xeenarh Mohammed, The Initiative for Equal Rights, Nigeria</li><li>Leonora Breedt, Ezabangoma healers, South Africa</li><li>Bunmi Dipo-Salami, Executive Director, Nigeria</li><li>Anne Adidu-Lawal, Baobab for Women’s Human Rights, Nigeria</li><li>Jill Bradbury, South Africa</li><li>Njoki Njehu, Daughters of Mumbi Global Resource Center, Kenya</li><li>Kirsten Pearson, Budget Justice Coalition, South Africa</li><li>Lindiwe Mkhize, South Africa</li><li>Catherine Gatundu, ActionAid International, Kenya</li><li>Iheoma Obibi, Alliances for Africa, Nigeria</li><li>Korto Williams, Liberia Feminist Forum, Liberia/Kenya</li><li>Charlotte Malonda, Women Lawyers Association Malawi, Malawi</li><li>Xana McCauley, Rev, South Africa</li><li>Saydoon Nisa Sayed, South Africa</li><li>Laura Pereira, Senior lecturer/ Centre for Complex Systems in Transition, South Africa</li><li>Vanessa MAVILA, Fondation Eboko, France and Congo</li><li>Jessica Oluoch, KELIN Kenya, Kenya</li><li>Unathi Ndiki, The Totalshutdown movement, South Africa</li><li>Patricia Blankson Akakpo, Network for Women’s Rights in Ghana (NETRIGHT), Ghana</li><li>Deborah, Senior Research Fellow/Insitute of African Studies-University of Ghana, Ghana</li><li>Maybe Zengenene, Graduate Student, Airlangga University, Indonesia, Zimbabwe</li><li>Nadia Ahidjo, Program Coordinator, Open Society Initiative for West Africa, Cameroon/Senegal</li><li>AdeolaAwogbemi , ED, First Future Leadership, Nigeria</li><li>Taiwo Adetunji, Strong Enough Girls’ Empowerment Initiative, Nigeria</li><li>Ngozi NwosuJuba, Vision Spring Initiatives, Nigeria</li><li>Dee Smythe, Centre for Law &amp; Society UCT, South Africa</li><li>Chenai Chair, African feminist, South Africa/Zimbabwe</li><li>Abosede George, Barnard College, United States</li><li>Peruth Nabirye, Director Child Youth Health Initiative, Uganda</li><li>Nuru Kondo, Hospital, Tanzania</li><li>Adjaratou Fatou Ndiaye</li><li>Joanna Forster, ACDHRS, Gambia</li><li>Teresa Mugadza, Zimbabwe</li><li>Zabib Musa Loro, Founder and Director/ Islamic Development and Relief Agency, South Sudan</li></ol><ol start="73"><li>Lakshmi N. Moore, Liberia Feminist Forum, Liberia</li><li>Fikile Pato, Miss, South Africa</li><li>AGUEH Gloria, Chairperson / Réseau des Femmes Leaders pour le Développement, Benin</li><li>Rachel Kagoiya, FEMNET, Kenya</li><li>Leopoldina Fekayamãle, Ondjango Feminista, Angola</li><li>Tilder Kumichii, CEO, Gender Empowerment and Development – GeED, Caneroon</li><li>Emma Mogak, Akili Dada, Program Lead – Feminist Movement Building and Advocacy, Kenya</li><li>Cynthia Ny, Cameroon</li><li>Adanma Otuonye, Sparks Consults, Nigeria</li><li>Michelle Hakata, Zimbabwe</li><li>Zoneziwoh Mbondgulo-Wondieh, Women for a Change, Cameroon, Cameroon</li><li>Angelina Canguenha, Ondjango Feminista, Angola</li><li>Navonine Agnes Kuoh N., CEO/Founder Agui Foundation, Cameroun</li><li>Shailja Patel, Research Associate, Five College Women’s Studies Research Center, Kenya, USA</li><li>Zainab Abdullahi, Daraja reube mbororo development association, Cameroon</li><li>Fatime Faye, Société civile, Forum Féministe Sénégalais, Sénégal</li><li>Rethabile Mosese</li><li>Monica Ndunge, Do It With Boldness Foundation/Volunteer, Kenya</li><li>Facia B. Harris, Member/ Liberia Feminist Forum, Liberia</li><li>Antonia Musunga, Fight inequality Alliance, Kenya</li><li>Marieme Kane, Senegal</li><li>Aisha Kamara, ActionAid, Liberia</li><li>Sokari Ekine, Republic of Spirit Desire, Nigeria, UK, USA</li><li>Isatu Ville Cheeks , Liberia Feminist Forum, Liberia</li><li>Isatu Ville Cheeks , Liberia Feminist Forum, Liberia</li><li>Nkaleu Lydienne, Comité d’Assistance à la Femme Nécessiteuses du Cameroun (CAFENEC), Cameroun</li><li>Caroline Bowah, Liberia Feminist Forum, Liberia</li><li>Pauline Kenmogne Matchim, Association Femmes Et Enfants, membre de la plateforme  de BEIJING+25 CAR, Cameroun</li></ol><ol start="101"><li>Gradiah Walker Bou Hussein, Liberia</li><li>Gloria Yancy, Liberia Feminist Forumlol, Liberia</li><li>Fatoumata Adelle Barry, Medical Doctor / Writer / LivresNiger, Niger</li><li>Naadira Munshi, PSI, South Africa</li><li>Chue Goah Roberts, Program officer, Actionaid Luberia, Liberia</li><li>Abyan Mama-Farah, UCSD School of Medicine, United States</li><li>Clemence Leonie Yanke, Fondation Nyb Shalom, Cameroon</li><li>Rossanna Carvo, Angola</li><li>Tuduetso Mooketsi, Botswana</li><li>Naomi Tulay-Solanke \, Executive Director/ Community Healthcare Initiative, Liberia</li><li>Endouh Anna Yerimah, Building Together Consulting, Cameroon</li><li>Linda Kunje</li><li>Njenu Veronica, CEO of women as Agents of Transformation (WAAT), Cameroon</li><li>Minna Salami, MsAfropolitan, United Kingdom</li><li>Pumla Dineo Gqola, Proffesor, Nelson Mandela University, South Africa</li><li>Simamkele Dlakavu, University of Cape Town , South Africa</li><li>Janepher Taaka, Frelance, Uganda</li><li>Balkissa Daouda Diallo, PhD Student, Niger</li><li>Corinne Knowles, Rhodes University, South Africa</li><li>Mamadi, Director of postgraduate studies. University of Fort Hare, South Africa</li><li>Aisha Ahmed, Covid19: Feminist Space, Nigeria</li><li>Saida Ali, Kenya</li><li>Mpumi Mathabela, Coordinator – One in Nine Campaign, South Africa</li><li>Tracy Jean-Pierre, Enza, South Africa</li><li>Sophie Otiende, Kenya</li><li>Patricia Servant, Founder / Congo Love , United States of America</li><li>Cynthia Akueya Nchaw, Mbonweh Woman Development Association (MWDA), Cameroon</li></ol><ol start="128"><li>Gabriel Hoosain Khan, Office for Inclusivity and Change at the University of Cape Town, South Africa</li><li>Sheila Ramirez</li><li>Thando Gumede, Chief Executive Officer, South Africa</li><li>Mariama Sonko, Nous Sommes la Solution, Sénégal</li><li>Tunu Ramtu, Kenya</li><li>Linda Magano Baumann, National CSO, Namibia</li><li>Anneeth Kaur Hundle, Assistant Professor of Anthropology, University of California Irvine, USA/Uganda</li><li>Everjoice Jeketa Win, Zimbabwe</li><li>Kavira Linda, Action de protection Mère et Enfant “APME”, République Démocratique du Congo</li><li>Julia Matimolane, South Africa</li><li>Akosua Adomako Ampofo, Universty of Ghana, Ghana</li><li>Cebile Dlamini, Secretary General for Swaziland Rural Women’s Assembly, Swaziland</li><li>Shirley Walters, Professor Emerita, University of the Western Cape, South Africa</li><li>Irene, Namibia</li><li>Mufuliat Fijabi, Nigerian Women Trust Fund, Nigeria</li><li>Eniyan Development Initiative For Gender Justice, Eniyan Development Initiative, Nigeria</li><li>Astrid von Kotze, Proffesor, UWC, South Africa</li><li>Ruth Mattison, Training for Transformation, South Africa</li><li>Gertrude Dzifa Torvikey, Feminist Africa, Ghana</li><li>Mariam Kirollos</li><li>Rike Sitas, African Centre for Cities, South Africa</li><li>herschelle milford, South Africa</li><li>جوهرة مدكور</li><li>Pontso Mafethe, Lead Consultant, HoBWE</li><li>Keamogetswe Seipato, South Africa</li><li>Annette Wangongu, Feminist Litigation Network Manager/Initiative for Strategic Litigation in Africa, Kenya</li><li>Ronel Stevens, South Africa</li><li>Kamy Lara, Ondjango Feminista, Angola</li><li>Stacey Sutton, Professor, University of Illinois at Chicago, United States</li><li>Okeke Ngozi J., WIPGG Nigeria, Nigeria</li><li>Fatou Sow, African Feminist Forum, Sénégal</li><li>Solome Lemma</li><li>Mariam Dia, Cofulef, Convergence Des Femmes Universitaires Versitaires Pour Le Leadership Feminin, Senegal</li><li>Pamela Nwakanma, PhD Candidate, Harvard University, United States/Nigeria</li><li>Debaye Mornan, Colombia</li><li>Yannia Sofía Garzón Valencia, Asociación de Economistas Negras, Colombia</li><li>Duru Blessing, ALLIANCES FOR AFRICA, NFF, Nigeria</li><li>Colette Solomon, Women on Farms Project, South Africa</li><li>Mahlet H. Seifu, Development practitioner , Ethiopia</li><li>Nkoli Aniekwu, University of Benin, Nigeria</li><li>Amie Joof Cole, FAMEDEV- Inter Africa Network for Women, Media, Gender and Development</li><li>Purity Kagwiria, Kenya</li><li>Rama Salla Dienf, Senegal</li><li>Nokwanda Maseko, South Africa</li><li>Fatma Oussedik, Université d’Alger 2, Algérie</li><li>Rose Ndengue, Université de Rouen, Cameroun</li><li>Rokhaya Daba FALL, CEO, Sénégal</li><li>Roseli Finscue Chavaco, Consejo Regional Indigena Del Cauca Programa Mujeres, Colombia</li><li>Cynthia Ny, Cameroon</li><li>African Women’s Development Fund (AWDF), Africa Regional</li><li>Maria Paula Meneses, Doctor, Moçambique</li><li>Ophelia Kemigisha, Uganda</li><li>BVDA, Rwanda</li><li>Colleen Lowe Morna, Gender Links, South Africa</li><li>Evernice Munando, Female Students Network Trust (FSNT), Zimbabwe</li><li>Elizabeth Kayanga , Integrated Disabled Women Activities, Uganda</li><li>Mrs Theresa Ukeme, Ini Creative Centre For Development, Nigeria</li><li>Phelister Abdalla , National Coordinator – Kenya sex workers Alliance (KESWA), Kenya</li><li>Hannah Kigamba, Secretary of Board of Trustee/Director Diabetes Awareness Trust, Kenya</li><li>Annet Lekuru, Feminature Uganda, Uganda</li><li>Marie-Pierre Mbaye, Senegal</li><li>Lesley Ann Foster, Masimanyane Women’s Rights International, South Africa</li><li>Juliet Kushaba, ArtVism, Uganda</li><li>Massan dAlmeida, XOESE, Le Fonds pour les Femmes Francophones, Togo</li><li>Joyce Nangobi , Executive Director, Uganda</li><li>Naomi Tulay Solanke, Community Healthcare Initiative, Liberia</li><li>Mawulawoe Anato-Dumelo , Executive Director, Network of Women In Growth, Ghana</li><li>Musu Bakoto Sawo, National Coordinator, Think Young Women, The Gambia</li><li>Ruth Kihiu, Pastoral Women’s Council (PWC), Tanzania</li><li>Rachael Muhindo, Twase women development trust, Uganda</li><li>Nasilele Limbali, Executive Director – Ndola Nutrition Org. Women’s League, Zambia</li><li>Esther Harawa, Gender and Protection Coordinator, Malawi</li><li>Naana Abena Afadi, Program Manager, Women and Youth Forum for SustainableDevelopment, Ghana</li><li>Diana Mary Agabi, ABANTU FOR DEVELOPMENT, Nigeria</li><li>Fatima Suleiman, Executive Director, lslamic Counseling Initiatives or Nigeria(ICIN) Nigeria</li><li>Mageda Esolyo, Communications and campaign officer, Women Global Network for Reproductive Rights, Kenya</li><li>Evodius Gervas, Tanzania</li><li>Edah Gondwe Chimya, Executive Director/ Zambia Alliance of Women, Zambia</li><li>Edith Ssali, Executive Director Women Leadership Development – WLEDE, Uganda</li><li>Sybil Nmezi, Generation Initiative for Women and Youth Network (Giwyn), Nigeria</li><li>Cécile Thiombiano, Présidente, Burkina Faso</li><li>Milka Wahu, Amka Africa Justice Initiative, Kenya</li><li>Tina Thiart, 1000 Women Trust/WomensNet, South Africa</li><li>Stigmata Tenga, Executive Director, Africa Philanthropy Network (APN), Tanzania</li><li>Elizabeth Ddungu, Nnabagereka Development organisation, Uganda</li><li>Régine T Zombra, Présidente de l’Association Catholique pour le Développement Socio-économique (ACDS), Burkina Faso</li><li>Hala Al Karib, SIHA, Sudan</li><li>Hansatu Adegbite, Executive Director, WIMBIZ, Nigeria</li><li>Sofia Cassimo, FEMME-National Federation Business Women, Mozambique</li><li>Sylvie BAHATI KABEYA, Réseau Associatif pour la Psychologie Intégrale, RAPI Asbl, République Démocratique du Congo</li><li>Emang Basadi Association, Botswana</li><li>Charity Afio Nketiah, Iseguri Initiative, Ghana</li><li>Ida Mokereitane, Botswana</li><li>Larissa Kojoué, Researcher in political science, Cameroon</li><li>Tracy Jean-Pierre, Enza , South Africa</li><li>Advocate Tarisai Mchuchu-MacMillan, MOSAIC Training Services and Healing Centre for Women, South Africa</li><li>Doreen Mwobobia, Team Lead- Education and Socio-Economic Empowerment Initiative, Kenya</li><li>Edna Tembo, Executive Director. Coalition of Women Living with HIV and AIDS (COWLHA), Malawi</li><li>Sikhathele Matambo, Emthonjeni Women’s Forum, Zimbabwe</li><li>Marie-Pierre Sarr, Présidente d’honneur association sénégalaise des femmes diplômées des universités, Sénégal</li><li>Florence Awir, Chairperson/Human Rights Activist-Club Humanitarian Outreach Ministries (CBO), Uganda</li><li>Huguette RUSABIKA, Directrice Exécutive de l’organisation Focus Droits et Accès République Démocratique du Congo</li><li>Everlyne Khaemba, Pambazuko La Wanawake Magharibi, Kenya</li><li>Amina Salihu, Habiba Dangana Foundation – Team Lead, Nigeria</li><li>Farida Myburgh, Masimanyane Women’s Rights International, South Africa</li><li>Alexandra Asamoah, Ghana</li><li>Aziza Khalidi, Executive Director/Collective for Research and Training on Development Action – CRTDA, Lebanon</li><li>Marilyn Aitken, Women’s Leadership and Training Programme, South Africa</li><li>Bashiratu Kamal, General Agricultural Workers Union of TUC-Gh, Ghana</li><li>Haruna Yoda, Executive Director/Centre for Community Livelihood Development (CCLD), Ghana</li><li>Aumo Christine, Executive Director Of Isore Women Initiative For Sustainable Devt, Uganda</li><li>Kikiope Oluwarore, Head of Programs/Education as a Vaccine ((EVA), Nigeria</li><li>Michael Dagadu</li><li>Zeinabou Hadari</li><li>Lillian Mworeko, Executive Director, International Community Of Women Living With HIV Eastern Africa (ICWEA), Uganda</li><li>Inocência Mata, Universidade de Lisboa, Portugal</li><li>Cherifa Kheddar, Présidente de l’association Djazairouna des familles victimes du terrorisme islamiste Algérie</li><li>Mackins Pajibo, Program Officer/ Women Solidarity Incorporated, Liberia</li><li>Nina Hendricks, The Grail, South Africa</li><li>Wairimu Wahome, Executive Director, Coalition on Violence Against Women-COVAW, Kenya</li><li>Nnaceesay Marenah, Moonflower Montessori/CEO, Gambia</li><li>Women’s Coalition of Zimbabwe, Womens Coalition of Zimbabwe, Zimbabwe</li><li>Ummi Bukar, PAGED Initiative, Nigeria</li><li>Sarah Adeyinka, Nigeria/Belgium</li><li>gertrude fester, Aboriginal/Xarra Restorative Justice Forum, South Africa</li><li>Nadiatu Ali Dawud , Civil Society and Institutional Foundation /Acting Director, Ghana</li><li>Isabel Shawel, USA</li><li>Margaret Adhiambo, Pendeza Weaving Project, Kenya</li><li>Angela Gwaro, Programs Officer; Gender Violence Recovery Centre, Kenya</li><li>Prisca Tanui, Women Empowerment Group (WEG), Kenya</li><li>Shereen Usdin, Soul City Institute for Social Justice, South Africa</li><li>Carine Bahanag, Cameroun</li><li>Gorette NAKUNDI, Action De Solidarite Des Femmes Pour Le Developpement En Milieu Rural, ASOFED-MR asbl, République Démocratique du Congo</li><li>Donald Deya, Pan African Lawyers Union, Tanzania</li><li>Louise Nyota, Réseau Femme et Développement (REFED.NK) secrétaire Exécutive, RDCongo</li><li>Godelive Lugambo, Coordinatrice, Union Pour La Promotion Des Femmes, UPF asbl, République Démocratique du Congo</li><li>Viviene Taylor, Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era (DAWN), South Africa</li><li>Cynthia Eyakuze, Tanzania</li><li>Kiza Endani Rosette, Coordinatrice, SOS Secours A La Femme En Detresse, SOS SFD asbl, République Démocratique du Congo</li><li>Claire Mathonsi</li><li>Lana Razafimanantsoa, Madagascar</li><li>Beyonce Karungi, Executive Director; Transgender Equality Uganda (TEU), Uganda</li><li>Glanis Changachirere, Institute for Young Women Development, Zimbabwe</li><li>Nancy Akanbombire, African Women’s Development Fund, Ghana</li><li>Comfort Arms of Needy Children, Rights Organization, Malawi</li><li>Zenabou SEGDA, Women Environmental Programme Burkina, Burkina Faso</li><li>Prime Nkezumukama, Non Profit Organisation, Burundi</li><li>Titilope Akosa, Centre for 21st century Issues, Nigeria</li><li>Giscard MUKUCHA, YOUNG MEN ENGAGE FOR EQUALITY 2030, RDC</li><li>Judith MUKEINA, Solidarite Des Jeunes Filles Pour L’education Et L’integration Socioprofessionnelle, SOJFEP, RDC</li><li>Jeanne MUKUCHA, SOS Femmes Indigenes De Concessions Minieres (SOS FICOM), RDC</li><li>Alice FATUMA, Univers Des Filles, RDC</li><li>Rosebell Kagumire, Editor, African Feminism, Uganda</li><li>Fatimata SAVADOGO, Presidente/Groupement Feminin Pag-La-Naam, Burkina Faso</li><li>Ruth Mulenga , Coordinator /Twampane womens club, Zambia</li><li>Ntirampeba Espérance, sfbsp, Burundi</li><li>Nizigiyimana Francine, TDJ, Burundi</li><li>Patience Kemigisha, Communications Officer/Institute for Social Transformation, Uganda</li><li>Justine Riziki Marceline, PACOPA (Partenaires Contre La Pauvrete), RD CONGO</li><li>Samukeliso Khumalo, Executive Director, Zimbabwe</li><li>Yobana Millán Bustos, Red nacional de mujeres Afrocolombianas Kambirí, Colombianos</li><li>Ntomboxolo Makhutshi, Mothertongue Project Programme Manager, South Africa</li><li>Mercia Andrews, Southern Africa Rural Women’s Assembly, South Africa</li><li>Ndeye Marie Diedhiou Thiam, Plateforme des femmes pour la paix en Casamance, Sénégal</li><li>Alice Akoth Omondi, Director – Bethzatha HIV/AIDS Community Center, Kenya</li><li>ATEBA medjo Carine Michelle, Mengbwa actions jeunes, Cameroun</li><li>Cécile Thiombiano, Organisation pour de Nouvelles Initiatives en Developpement et Santé, Burkina Faso</li><li>Isatu Dumbuya, Center for Differently Abled Women (CDAW), Sierra Leone</li><li>Rokhaya Sy Gaye, Association Tournesol, Sénégal</li><li>Yenziwe Masuku</li><li>Perez Abeka, YWCAA – Co-Founder &amp; Advisor, Kenya</li><li>Elizabeth N Ddungu, Nnabagereka Development Foundation, Uganda</li><li>Lindiwe Malindi, South Africa</li><li>Sara Bissrat Mersha, Director of Grantmaking and Advocacy, Grassroots International, US</li><li>Rose Mensah-Kutin, Abantu For Development, Ghana</li><li>Teopista Nakkungu, Chief Coordinator IWCA Uganda Chapter, Uganda</li><li>Aida Ndiaye, International consultant/Agrieconomist, Senegal</li><li>Peggy Otieno, Ag CEO- Young Women Campaign Against Aids, Kenya</li><li>Susan Atayo, Program Manager-Hesawa Foundation(HEFO), Uganda</li><li>Atia Apusigah , Netright Ghana , Ghana</li><li>Inviolata Mmbwavi, Executive Director- International Community of Women Living with HIV – Kenya Chapter ( ICWK), Kenya</li><li>الاستاذة/ وداد الصوراني</li><li>Siatta Scott Johnson, President Female Journalists Association of Liberia, Liberia</li><li>Eunice Mwende, Young Women Campaign against AIDS (YWCAA), Kenya</li><li>Volahery Andriamanantenasoa, CRAAD-OI, Madagascar</li><li>Robert Akeche, Young Women Campaign Against AIDS (AIDS), Kenya</li><li>Sherine Okong’o, Young Women Campaign Against AIDS (YWCAA), Kenya</li><li>Pemphero Chingamtolo, National Coordinator, Malawi</li><li>Emmaculate Mutheu, Young Women Campaign Against AIDS (YWCAA), Kenya</li><li>Pamela Elizabeth, Young Women Campaign Against AIDS (YWCAA), Kenya</li><li>Sarah Nalyanya, Grail international movement of Women, Kenya</li><li>Kafui ADJAMAGBO-JOHNSON, WiLDAF-AO, Togo</li><li>Pauline Makwaka, Senior Women Citizens for Change, Kenya</li><li>Dorothy Otieno, FEMNET, Kenya</li><li>Panashe Chigumadzi, Author, South Africa</li><li>Ndèye Gnilane FAYE, Présidente Association Actions pour le Développement du Sénégal (AADS), Sénégal</li><li>Christie Banda, Foundation for Civic Education and Social Empowerment, Malawi</li><li>Nicole Maloba, Program Officer- Economic Justice- FEMNET, Kenya</li><li>Toluwanimi Jaiyebo, Nigeria</li><li>Fatou Diouf, ENSEIGNANTE-CHERCHEURE/COFULEF</li><li>Josephine A. Brenda , Programme Coordinator Kared Fod Women Development Programme (KAWODEP), Kenya</li><li>Katherine Asuncion, Project Manager for Donor Engagement/ Grassroots International, United States</li><li>Marcela Riascos Arrechea , PCN – Proceso de comunidades negras , Colombia</li><li>Mina Remy, Grassroots International, United States</li><li>Sophie Efange, Policy Manager – Gender and Development Network, United Kingdom, Ethiopia, Cameroon</li><li>Vera Addo, Fellow, Moremi initiative for Women’s Leadership in Africa, Ghana</li><li>Mariama Jalloh, Executive Director//Polio Women &amp; Girls Development Organisation//Ministry of Social Welfare Gender &amp; Childrens Affairs, Sierra Leone Union on Disability, National Commission for Persons with Disability and Women Groups, Sierra Leone</li><li>Priscilla Usiobaifo, Executive Director, BraveHeart Initiative, Nigeria</li><li>Benitha  Uwamahoro, Women’s Health and Equal Rights Association Rwanda – WHERAR, Rwanda</li><li>Althea Anderson, US</li><li>Florence Akullo , Youth and Women for Opportunities Uganda, Uganda</li><li>Wangechi L Wachira</li><li>Rudo Chigudu, Feminist Action Campaign, Zimbabwe</li></ol><p> </p><p>Portuguese, Swahili, French and Spanish below. Statement in Arabic can be found <a href="https://madamasr.com/ar/2020/06/17/opinion/u/%D8%A8%D9%8A%D8%A7%D9%86-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%86%D8%B3%D9%88%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AA-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A5%D9%81%D8%B1%D9%8A%D9%82%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AA-%D8%B9%D9%86-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D9%86%D8%AA%D8%B9%D8%A7%D8%B4/">here</a> // Kireno, Kiswahili, Kifaransa na Kihispania hapa chini. Taarifa katika Kiarabu inaweza kupatikana <a href="https://madamasr.com/ar/2020/06/17/opinion/u/%D8%A8%D9%8A%D8%A7%D9%86-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%86%D8%B3%D9%88%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AA-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A5%D9%81%D8%B1%D9%8A%D9%82%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AA-%D8%B9%D9%86-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D9%86%D8%AA%D8%B9%D8%A7%D8%B4/">hapa</a> // Portugais, swahili, français et espagnol ci-dessous. La déclaration en arabe est disponible <a href="https://madamasr.com/ar/2020/06/17/opinion/u/%D8%A8%D9%8A%D8%A7%D9%86-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%86%D8%B3%D9%88%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AA-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A5%D9%81%D8%B1%D9%8A%D9%82%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AA-%D8%B9%D9%86-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D9%86%D8%AA%D8%B9%D8%A7%D8%B4/">ici</a> // Portugués, swahili, francés y español a continuación. Declaración en árabe se puede encontrar <a href="https://madamasr.com/ar/2020/06/17/opinion/u/%D8%A8%D9%8A%D8%A7%D9%86-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%86%D8%B3%D9%88%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AA-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A5%D9%81%D8%B1%D9%8A%D9%82%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AA-%D8%B9%D9%86-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D9%86%D8%AA%D8%B9%D8%A7%D8%B4/">aquí</a> // البرتغالية والسواحيلية والفرنسية والإسبانية أدناه. يمكن <a href="https://madamasr.com/ar/2020/06/17/opinion/u/%D8%A8%D9%8A%D8%A7%D9%86-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%86%D8%B3%D9%88%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AA-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A5%D9%81%D8%B1%D9%8A%D9%82%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AA-%D8%B9%D9%86-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D9%86%D8%AA%D8%B9%D8%A7%D8%B4/">الاطلاع</a> على البيان باللغة العربية هنا</p><p> </p>					</div>
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		<p>The post <a href="https://craadoimada.com/african-feminist-post-covid-19-economic-recovery-statement/">African Feminist Post-COVID-19 Economic Recovery Statement</a> appeared first on <a href="https://craadoimada.com">CRAAD-OI</a>.</p>
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		<title>Women stand their ground against big coal</title>
		<link>https://craadoimada.com/3904-2/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[CRAAD-OI]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 22 Sep 2020 13:03:17 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Extractivisme]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Publications et Ressources]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://craadoi-mada.com/?p=3904</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>RESEARCH REPORTWomen stand their ground against BIG coal:The AfDB Sendou power plant impacts on women in a time of climate crisis Researcher and primary...</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://craadoimada.com/3904-2/">Women stand their ground against big coal</a> appeared first on <a href="https://craadoimada.com">CRAAD-OI</a>.</p>
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<figure class="wp-block-image size-large"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="595" height="825" src="http://craadoi-mada.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/women-stand-their-ground-against-big-coal.png" alt="" class="wp-image-3905" srcset="https://craadoimada.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/women-stand-their-ground-against-big-coal.png 595w, https://craadoimada.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/women-stand-their-ground-against-big-coal-216x300.png 216w, https://craadoimada.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/women-stand-their-ground-against-big-coal-108x150.png 108w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 595px) 100vw, 595px" /></figure>
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<p class="has-text-color has-background has-very-dark-gray-color has-luminous-vivid-amber-background-color"> <strong>RESEARCH REPORT</strong><br>Women stand their ground against BIG coal:The AfDB Sendou power plant impacts on women in a time of climate crisis<br><br><strong>Researcher and primary author</strong>: Zo Randriamaro<br><strong>Content editor and secondary author</strong>:Samantha Hargreaves<br><strong>Research advice and support</strong>: Aly Sagne, Elaine Zukkerman, Trusha Reddy and Georgine Kengne<br><strong>Date of publication</strong>: October 2019 </p>



<p class="has-small-font-size">Download PDF: <a href="https://womin.org.za/images/oct19/Women_Stand_their_Ground_against_BIG_Coal_Research_Report_WEB.pdf">https://womin.org.za/images/oct19/Women_Stand_their_Ground_against_BIG_Coal_Research_Report_WEB.pdf</a></p>
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<p>The post <a href="https://craadoimada.com/3904-2/">Women stand their ground against big coal</a> appeared first on <a href="https://craadoimada.com">CRAAD-OI</a>.</p>
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		<title>Femmes, forêts et industries extractives : le cas des femmes autochtones Mikea à Madagascar</title>
		<link>https://craadoimada.com/femmes-forets-et-industries-extractives-le-cas-des-femmes-autochtones-mikea-a-madagascar/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[CRAAD-OI]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 22 Sep 2020 12:23:51 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Extractivisme]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Publications et Ressources]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://craadoi-mada.com/?p=3896</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>La société Base Resources a été autorisée à détruire la forêt de Mikea à condition de créer une zone pour le projet de compensation...</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://craadoimada.com/femmes-forets-et-industries-extractives-le-cas-des-femmes-autochtones-mikea-a-madagascar/">Femmes, forêts et industries extractives : le cas des femmes autochtones Mikea à Madagascar</a> appeared first on <a href="https://craadoimada.com">CRAAD-OI</a>.</p>
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<p><em>La société Base Resources a été autorisée à détruire la forêt de  Mikea à condition de créer une zone pour le projet de compensation de la  biodiversité, ce qui, à son tour, impose aux communautés des  restrictions cruciales dans l’accès à leurs forêts. Ce aggrave encore la situation des femmes. </em></p>



<p> Madagascar est confrontée à des défis uniques résultant de sa position  de point chaud de la biodiversité dans un contexte où les industries  extractives sont devenues le pilier principal de la politique nationale  de « développement ». <strong>Madagascar est notamment l’un des pays les plus touchés par la déforestation,</strong>  reconnue comme un problème environnemental majeur ayant des impacts  clairement sexospécifiques sur la population. La priorité élevée  accordée au développement des industries extractives aux niveaux  national et international va accroître la déforestation et aggraver le  changement climatique. Cependant, cela va également exacerber les  impacts négatifs disproportionnés sur les femmes, comme en témoigne le  cas des populations autochtones Mikea de Madagascar. </p>



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<p><strong><em>Industries extractives&nbsp;: une menace majeure pour les forêts et les populations</em></strong></p>



<p>Madagascar, surnommée la «&nbsp;grande île&nbsp;», a une superficie de 587&nbsp;000 km<sup>2</sup>
 et est située dans l’océan Indien à près de 500&nbsp;km au sud-est du 
continent africain. Madagascar est bien connue pour sa biodiversité 
riche et unique, qui s’est développée notamment en raison de son 
insularité&nbsp;: par exemple, 32&nbsp;espèces de primates, 30&nbsp;espèces de 
caméléons et 260&nbsp;espèces d’oiseaux ne se trouvent nulle part ailleurs 
dans le monde. Étant donné que la biodiversité exceptionnelle de 
Madagascar revêt une importance mondiale pour les sciences naturelles, 
elle est désormais ciblée par l’aide internationale au développement. 
(1)</p>
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<p> Malgré sa richesse naturelle considérable, Madagascar figure parmi les  pays les plus pauvres du monde, avec plus de 70 % de la population  touchée par une pauvreté structurelle. Au cours des dernières années, le  secteur minier s’est retrouvé au centre des efforts politiques du  gouvernement, avec l’argument que ce secteur pourrait constituer le  principal outil de réduction de la pauvreté et de développement. En  outre, <strong>les sociétés minières transnationales à la recherche de  nouvelles ressources se sont de plus en plus intéressées au potentiel  minéral important du pays, riche en gisements et minéraux divers,  notamment le nickel, le titane, le cobalt, l’ilménite, la bauxite, le  fer, le cuivre, le charbon et l’uranium, ainsi que des terres rares.</strong> La majorité des investissements directs étrangers se sont jusqu’à présent portés sur le nickel-cobalt et l’ilménite. </p>
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<p class="has-medium-font-size">Lire la suite: <a href="https://wrm.org.uy/fr/les-articles-du-bulletin-wrm/section1/femmes-forets-et-industries-extractives-le-cas-des-femmes-autochtones-mikea-a-madagascar/">https://wrm.org.uy/fr/les-articles-du-bulletin-wrm/section1/femmes-forets-et-industries-extractives-le-cas-des-femmes-autochtones-mikea-a-madagascar/</a></p>
<p>The post <a href="https://craadoimada.com/femmes-forets-et-industries-extractives-le-cas-des-femmes-autochtones-mikea-a-madagascar/">Femmes, forêts et industries extractives : le cas des femmes autochtones Mikea à Madagascar</a> appeared first on <a href="https://craadoimada.com">CRAAD-OI</a>.</p>
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